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Chapter 55: The Photo Tour 11
Dreadnought posted a City Journal entry in IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN
IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN By: Dreadnought & AP Chapter 55: THE PHOTO TOUR 11 THE INNER BASIN Most large harbors have something similar to an “Inner Basin” – especially in military/naval anchorages. This is a designated area where difficult or lengthy tasks are performed. These tasks could include repairs to a ship’s hull in a dry dock, or a simple bottom cleaning and painting job, also requiring a dry dock. Installation of new weapons systems – guns, or perhaps, fire control devices. Capital ships were constantly undergoing repairs to the engine condensers and replacement of the water tubes in their boilers. Even modernization of older warships can be a quite lengthy process. And, in addition to the regular “refit” and repair cycles of warships – construction slips were frequently found in the secluded Inner Basin. Since Cuxhaven was only a small harbor with limited facilities, only one permanent dry dock had been built for quick repair jobs or hull cleaning and, of course, there were no construction slips. In this overview, moving counter-clockwise from the Repair Docks, there is an Inner Basin tug station, with a minesweeping station just below that. And around the corner from the Minesweepers we have the large Munitions Pier. In the center bottom of the Basin is the single Dry Dock, with berths for two destroyer flotillas to the right. The Inner Basin tug station is one among many, but you may notice that each one is unique – either in composition or layout. Tug stations are a necessary working element of every harbor in the world – but they rarely get first crack at the “prime real estate”. All of the basic components should be familiar to you by now, but the layout has been improvised to fit the available space. The station can accommodate eight tugs at the piers, with berths for six more along the seawall. Since this is the only tug station inside the Inner Basin, it was imperative to have enough tugboats to handle the traffic to the Repair Docks, the Munitions Dock, and the tricky entrance and exit of the Dry Dock. The two white harbor steam tugs were gifted by “WolfZe”, while all the remaining tugboats are the impeccable work of @AP. The tug station from another angle. This gives you an excellent view of the basic layout of the station. The “Somy Tugboat Piers” are modified 2x1 lots with the overhanging pier props, the Quonset Hut is a custom-made 1x2, and the “control tower” is a 1x2 lot borrowed from the old Maxis Airports. The remainder of the base is composed of custom-lotted 1x1 modular pieces. This is a close-up of the details worked into the tiny tugboats. Researched for authenticity, the tugs are magnificent models of what every good tugboat should look like. These models would be useful in any harbor scene up through the 1960’s – and most especially in industrial scenes around oil refineries or bulk terminals for coal or grain. Top to bottom – Midgard, Thor, Passat, and Nordwind. (The models are available in “AP’s” Historic Harbors 1900 Series – Volumes 14 and 16). Simce I needed berthing space for additional tugs, I opted for “parking space” along the diagonal seawall which, otherwise, would have been useless space. I modified a diagonal section of the “NBVC Marina Seawalls” and double-nested the tugs on the new lot. The NBVC seawalls take a bit of “tinkering” to get the correct distance and height for the tug models, but the results are quite flexible and well worth the effort. Left to right, the diagonal models are – Passat, Odin, and Asgard – and are also available in the above mentioned prop packs. “AP” has gone to great lengths to try and provide as many diagonal models as possible – the “diagonals” provide more flexibility, authenticity for your harbors, and will greatly enhance your “grid-busting” efforts. MINE WARFARE Floating mines had been around since the 14th Century -- believed to have been introduced by Imperial China during the Ming Dynasty. But science and technology was unable to live up to the potential of an unmanned, floating, explosive device until some 500 years later. Explosive naval mines were “toyed” with during the Napoleonic Wars, and the Crimean War of 1854 actually produced some positive results. But it was not until the American Civil War (1861-1865) that floating mines (or “torpedoes”) became effective enough to sink warships with any degree of regularity. Over the centuries, every conceivable type of water-borne explosive device was tried. Some naval mines were “floating” -- either on the surface or just below the water – while others were placed on the seabed in water just deep enough for large ships. Some were detonated by a burning fuse, some by a clockwork mechanism connected to the workings of a flintlock weapon, and still others were detonated by an electric charge sent through an underwater cable from a storage battery ashore. It was not until the late Victorian Era that “contact” detonators (Hertz Horns) became practical. By 1904, the floating mine remained largely unproven in battle – but the Russo-Japanese War changed all that. Several ships on both sides were damaged by mines at one point or another during the brief conflict, but the Russians lost one battleship to mines, while the Japanese lost two of their six battleships, four cruisers, two destroyers, and a torpedo boat. The Russians may have started out with little experience in “offensive mining”, but they learned quickly. When war crept across Europe in 1914, the lessons of the Russo-Japanese naval conflict had been studied, digested, and transformed into military doctrine. Both Britain and Germany understood the concepts of “offensive” and “defensive” minefields; “offensive” mines were laid off enemy harbors and along their sealanes where ships could be sunk, while “defensive” mines were laid to protect one’s own harbors and sealanes against enemy intrusions. This seemingly simple and straightforward “mission statement” resulted in active mine warfare in the Mediterranean, the Baltic, and especially in the North Sea. Quite literally “millions” of mines were laid in hundreds of minefields scattered “willynilly” across the North Sea. Eventually, as protection against German submarines, the British laid massive mine barriers from Scapa Flow to Norway to close the north end of the North Sea, while an equally dense mine barrier closed the English Channel. Whether or not these millions of mines were actually effective has been debated for the last hundred-plus years, but the immediate problem in 1914 was how to remove enemy mines from your “sea space” to allow your own shipping and battle fleet to function. The answer to the problem was the creation of entire fleets of hundreds of small craft – “minesweepers” – to keep lanes “swept” and clear of mines to allow deployment of the battle fleets. And thus was born the concept of the “minesweeper”. This is Cuxhaven’s minesweeper station. You will notice it is larger than the usual tugboat station. The minesweepers are somewhat larger than the seagoing Passat Class tugs, and I wanted at least six vessels to represent a minesweeping force – so I had to add at least one more pier to the arrangement. In reality, the six large, deep-sea tugs would have been used as “flotilla leaders”, backed-up by 30 or 40 smaller vessels. The smaller vessels would have been deployed to either beam of the “leader” in one long line – or possibly two lines – one following the other. The British had a small force of purpose-built minesweepers in 1914, but they very quickly realized they did not have enough sweep vessels to deal with German mining activity. Every sort of small craft capable of deep water work was pressed into service – privately owned motor launches, river steamers, small English Channel packet steamers, and a bewildering variety of fishing vessels. (Eventually, a militarized version of the standard English fishing trawler was settled upon and built in mass quantities.) By the time I hit on the idea of including minesweepers in the CJ, it was too late to redesign the harbor to accommodate 40 or 50 minesweepers – so I settled on six vessels. The piers and steel sheds were modified and re-lotted from “Somy’s Japanese Tugs”. The pier is actually an overhanging prop, which makes it easy to “plop” any tugboat alongside. The Quonset Huts are from the “SNM Naval Series”, and are being used as one administrative office and two workshops. The barracks building is re-purposed from Mattb325’s “UC Sydney” lot, and is provided for the civilian crews contracted to operate the minesweepers under the direct supervision of a naval officer. The expanded size of the station and different layout would have been impossible if my tug stations had been modeled in a single, standardized lot. But the use of custom-made 1x1 and 1x2 modular lots provide a range of “mini-scenes” that can be used over and over in a variety of different situations – and they can be worked into whatever space you have available. I chose a model of the French steam tug Goliath (coutyesy of @Barroco Hispano) for use as a minesweeper “flotilla leader” because of its particular characteristics and historical background. Launched in 1903 from the Penhoet shipyard in Saint Nazaire, Goliath was a 1,200 ton ocean-going steam tug. She was approximately 160 feet in length, with 1,400-ihp triple-expansion engines capable of 13 knots. During the 1915 Allied attack on the Dardanelles, Goliath formed part of the support forces and actually doubled as a part-time minesweeper. Goliath, courtesy of “Barroco Hispano” is a superbly detailed model and a joy to behold. She has a small raised forecastle deck designed to reduce the amount of water taken over the bow in rough seas. Larger and more powerful than the average tug of her day, Goliath was used for ocean-going work as well as for heavy hauling. Conversion to minesweeping duties was relatively quick and easy. Minesweepers had heavy wire cables (called “paravanes”) permanently attached to the fore-foot for sweeping operations. The cables would be paid-out on either beam and a “Paravane Kite” was attached at the end, then lowered into the water. The “kite” is that greenish object on the aft deck, shaped like a torpedo with wings. As the sweeper gathered speed, the kite would glide below the surface at a designated depth and pull the cables out until they formed a large inverted “V” to either side of the sweeper. The paravane cables would cut the anchor cables on the mines, which then floated to the surface and were destroyed by rifle fire. Primitive, but effective. To the right of the Minesweeper Station, you see another “lighter basin”. Sometimes a lighter basin came about by accident – simply an empty spot off to one side where lighters could be “parked” to get them out of the way. You can see the crowded nature of the area – with the lighters squeezed in around the minesweepers. Occasionally a harbor was laid out with areas designated for lighter storage, but harbor space was usually scarce. As lighters collected in the basin, the Harbor Master ordered the installation of a few mooring dolphins to control the clutter, but it was not successful. The lighters in the center have simply been roped to one another and tied off on other lighters. Other lighters have been squeezed in at odd angles, and even an improvised floating crane for light cargo work has been left along the seawall. This shot provides an excellent look at the detail and texturing “AP” has built into each of these tiny gems. In this view, the harbor tug Odin has put a small boat in the water and they are hauling a tow line from the tug to the two large lighters on the left. The tug will eventually hook-up all four of the lighters and move them to the Munitions Dock. The four lighters are carrying “bagged powder charges”. We tried to make the bagged charges appear circular –as they are in real life -- but several attempts turned out unsatisfactory due to the small scale of the objects. So we settled on this arrangement. In the event of a minor accident, there are crewmen on each barge to see to the safety of the explosive cargo. (Of course, “no smoking” is permitted.) These little beauties are Esmeralda Class steam paddle tugs moored to “barrel buoys”. Steam Paddle tugs were used all over the world from the early Victorian Era right through to the mid-1950’s (and some even longer). Though not as powerful as more modern tugs, they were cheap to build and operate, carried small crews, and were the real workhorses of any harbor. If cargo lighters or sailing vessels needed to be moved, the ”paddlers” were the first choice. Thoroughly researched for authenticity, they were based on a WW I era English working tug. (See previous chapters for details.) The level of detail for these small vessels is simply magnificent. Each tug was plopped as a separate lot, as were the barrel buoys. The buoy lots were specifically designed to be plopped in front of any ship as desired. (The paddle tug props are available in AP’s “Historic Harbors 1900” series – Volume 12.) In Cuxhaven, the main Munitions Complex is set up with a connection to the main rail line and to the munitions distribution docks. Munitions can be brought to the storage bunkers either by rail or by sea, and are trans-shipped to the Munitions Docks for distribution. This is an overview of the distributions quays. Left to right you have the Italian heavy cruiser RM Zara, the US destroyer Clemson, and the battlecruiser KM Scharnhorst. You will note the rail line behind the quays has been arranged so that all three replenishment points can be accessed at the same time without traffic jams. This very fine model of Scharnhorst is provided courtesy of @Barroco Hispano and shows her as she would have appeared upon commissioning in January 1939: 32,100 tons – 31 knots – 9x11-inch guns – 12x5.9-inch guns – 14x4.1-inch AA guns – 16x1.5-inch AA guns – 6x21-inch torpedo tubes – belt armor 13.8 inches – 1 catapult and 3 Arado, Ar-196A-3 float planes. There has long been a debate as to whether Scharnhorst was a battlecruiser or a battleship – but her design was based on the final plans of the Imperial battlecruiser Ersatz Yorck, which was never completed. The pedigree seems clear enough to me – so I absolutely had to work her into the CJ somewhere! In essence – she was the last battlecruiser ever commissioned by the German Navy. She was armed with an “improved” 11-inch gun – for political reasons. In the mid-1930’s, it was feared 15-inch guns might cause the British to “get the wind up”. In this close-up of the dock activity, you can see the working parties unloading main gun ammunition from the shuttle locomotives to the quay for delivery to the warship. There are masses of people bustling about – unloading shells, checking them for imperfections, cleaning the rounds, and hauling them about with hand-trucks, or loading them into cargo racks to be hoisted aboard the battlecruiser. In real life, docks are seldom quiet places, and we have tried hard to recreate the hundreds of crew and working parties involved in servicing a capital ship. The docks are re-lotted from the “PEG SNM Series” Battleship Quays, and were constructed in three 11x3 sections – each section just large enough for one capital ship, or two smaller vessels. Since the whole structure would have been built at the same time, I did not make architectural changes to any of the dock sections – but altered some of the scenes and props on each one for variety’s sake. This is a rear view of the quayside. The large dockside cranes were borrowed from the “PEG Trash Removal” lots and resized to better fit the surrounding models. The 100 ton cranes trackside are by “AP”. The ammunition shuttle locomotives and “rolling stock” were modeled by “AP” from old pictures of equipment on German WW I period military railroads. The Great War would not have been possible without railroads. Artillery battery commanders, in particular, were shocked to find out just how many shells could be fired-off in only a few hours. Going into the war, the British thought they had enough reserve artillery ammunition to last through a “short war” – perhaps a year. More than half of it was expended in the first two weeks of actual combat. Military railroads were essential to keeping the vital artillery batteries properly supplied with ammunition. Various props have been used to “dress-out” the scene, but the many “specialized” props were created by “AP” – sailors, shells, etc, etc. Here a Clemson Class destroyer is preparing to take aboard a full load of torpedoes. The Clemson’s were a large class of destroyers built by the US Navy over a number of years. The early versions of the extended class served during WW I, while others were completed between the wars. Under the “Lend Lease” agreement, 20 Clemson’s were among the 50 US destroyers doing yeoman service with the Royal Navy in WW II. Characteristics: 1,215 tons – 35.5 knots – 4x4-inch guns – 1x3-inch AA gun -- 12x21-inch torpedo tubes – no armor. USS Clemson is by “Barroco Hispano”. The 100 ton cranes quayside and the 20 ton cranes trackside are by “AP”, as are the shuttle locomotives, rail cars, and torpedoes. This is the Italian heavy cruiser RM Zara: Commissioned 1931 – 11,326 tons – 32 knots_8x8-inch guns – 16x3.9-inch guns – 34 AA guns – 2 seaplanes – belt armor 5.9 inches. As with all Italian warships built or modernized between the wars, they were quite handsome, with sleek lines and high speed. She is preparing to top-off her magazines with 8-inch shells and powder charges. In this shot, you can see the powder charges in brass cases stacked in rows on the quayside. Next to them are the 8-inch shells – ready to be hoisted aboard and stowed in the magazines. Again, the shuttle engines and ammunition cars are by “AP”, along with the shell and powder stacks – and, of course – the sailors and 20 ton cranes. You will notice the large numbers of sailors and dock hands engaged in stacking and moving the shells, with others preparing them to be hoisted aboard the cruiser. Work details would have been sent ashore from the cruiser to speed up the process. This rear view of the quay gives a good view of the ammunition handling parties and the ammunition trains. NEXT TIME…… CUXHAVEN: THE PHOTO TOUR 12 MANY THANKS to @Barroco Hispano for his beautiful warship models. SPECIAL THANKS to my friend and partner, @AP, for his talents, meticulous models, colorful imagination, and extreme dedication. If you enjoyed anything – please punch the “like” button so WE will know. A comment would be even more informative. Comments and critiques requested and gratefully accepted. All questions answered promptly to the best of our ability. THANK YOU for your visit! You may wish to visit these CJ’s as well…… SERIES I: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: WILHELMSHAVEN SERIES II: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN Appearing – Work In Publication SERIES III: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: BREMERHAVEN Appearing -- ??? And please feel free to drop in at… THE SIMTROPOLIS SHIPYARD https://community.simtropolis.com/forums/topic/761469-simtropolis-shipyard/?tab=comments#comment-1766496-
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Chapter 36: The Death Ride Of The Battlecruisers
Dreadnought posted a City Journal entry in IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN
SMS Moltke – guns blazing with a “bone in her teeth” (a pronounced bow wave) as she charges along at 27 knots – tactical #3 in the battlecruiser line during the “Death Ride”. Moltke, under utmost speed was capable of 28 knots, but by this time of the day, the German warships were suffering the effects of inferior coal. The low grade coal did not fully burn and the fire boxes were filling up with “clinkers”. The problem was especially acute on the smaller light cruisers and torpedo boats. (Willy Stower) IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN By: Dreadnought & AP Chapter 36: DEATH RIDE OF THE BATTLECRUISERS The III Battle Squadron of the Hochseeflotte is under heavy fire and steering toward the British battle line during the “second encounter” of the Battle of Jutland. Left to right are the dreadnought battleships SMS Kronprinz, Markgraf, Grosser Kurfurst, and Konig leading the van. (Claus Bergen) Far to the east, twilight was descending into darkness as the sun sank toward the western horizon. But Vizeadmiral Reinhard Scheer could not see the eastern horizon. Nor could he see the northern horizon, for that matter. All he could see from the bridge of SMS Friedrich der Grosse was a veritable forest of shell splashes from the enemy guns and rolling smoke from his own guns – and everything frequently lit a dull orange as a British shell found a target among his battleships. When he did manage to get a glimpse beyond the smoke and water columns, all he could see – from horizon to horizon -- was a churning bank of smoke, lit with the flickering muzzle flashes of more than two hundred big guns. Instead of slipping east across the wake of the Grand Fleet, Scheer had managed to stumble into the center of their battle fleet – for the second time. He knew the only solution was to disengage from the enemy – but it would have to be a quick and clean break. He needed to disrupt the British battle line long enough to escape back into the haze and smoke. At 19:13, Scheer signaled Hartog’s battlecruisers with a flag hoist – “9R”. In any naval signal book of the day, flags denoted certain things with a variety of colors and symbols, which are explained in the signal book. In this case, #9 is the “series” and “R” is the instruction. The signals officer would scan down the pages until he hit series 9, and then look for the “R”. Beside “9R” in the Imperial Naval Signals book, it said...”ran an den Feind – voll einsetzen!”. Historically, the Imperial flag signal codes had originated in the old Prussian Navy of the 1860’s. In those days, many ranking naval officers had started military life in the Prussian Army, with the result that some instructions in the flag book were a bit archaic and sounded more like orders to a heavy cavalry regiment. Very “loosely translated”, “9R” said...”PANZERKREUZER AT THE ENEMY! GIVE IT EVERYTHING!” Scheer would hurl the battlecruisers at the enemy to draw their attention away from the battle line. What transpired thereafter, was both the most splendid and the most foolhardy moment in, perhaps, the entire recorded history of the Dreadnought Era. The four remaining battlecruisers – Derfflinger, Seydlitz, Moltke, and Von der Tann – had sunk three British battlecruisers that day -- fought Beatty, Evan-Thomas, Hood, and then Jellicoe – and had been brutally battered by heavy shells. Von der Tann had only her 5.9-inch guns left in the fight, and all the ships and crews had been in a continuous high-speed gunnery action for nearly four hours. When the signal was read out on Derfflinger’s bridge, Kapitan Hartog did not hesitate, he merely ordered...”Steady on course – ring for utmost speed”. Within seconds thick black smoke gushed from the funnels as the engineers sprayed oil on the boiler fires, and the big battlecruiser began to gather speed. With Vizeadmiral Hipper still aboard the torpedo boat G-39, it fell to Hartog and Derfflinger to lead the already badly damaged Imperial battlecruisers directly into "the greatest concentration of naval gunfire any fleet commander had ever faced" – at an insanely short range. In Seydlitz, Kapitan von Egidy read Scheer’s signal and told the handset operators to pass the word to the crew. As the various stations acknowledged the message, there was a pause, then the sound of cheering came through the voice pipes, ventilation shafts, and the passageways. Soon the stirring strains of “Wacht am Rhein” could be heard. Down in the boiler rooms, the sweaty, grimy, exhausted stokers rang their shovels on the deck plates and shouted...”Drauf Seydlitz – Drauf Seydlitz!” (Attack Seydlitz! -- the battle cry of Frederick the Great’s cuirassier cavalry.) As the Panzerkreuzer gathered speed and steered for the British line, their crews hadn’t a thought their actions over the next few minutes would forever be enshrined in legend and glory. It was, in fact, the single “greatest concentration of naval gunfire” ever seen in all of history. The low and sleek cruisers, pale gray against the blue-gray sea erupting and boiling around them, steered east at speed – their Imperial battle ensigns whipping straight and stiff at the masthead. Kapitan Hartog did not have time to savor the grand and gallant action of his ships – nor, perhaps, would his warrior’s mind have grasped the symbolism. He was fully absorbed in hurling at the British, the best science, technology, and metallurgy the German analytical mind could devise. And opposing him was the steel-sided, fire-breathing embodiment of victory – a British battle fleet with a naval tradition stretching back to Sir Francis Drake and the Spanish Armada. Actually, the symbolism might not have been lost on Hartog – he was known to be well-read in European military history. But he knew the “grand gesture” he and his ships were making was far more important that any symbolism that might be attributed to it in later years. And so began what came to be known as...“The Death Ride Of The Battlecruisers”. This rather “romanticized” phrase only came into use after The Great War, when Korvettenkapitan von Hase, Derfflinger’s gunnery officer, wrote his book. But it does capture the courage and determination of the officers and men who manned the Imperial battlecruisers. All the Panzerkreuzer, with the exception of SMS Moltke, were seriously damaged. Nevertheless, they increased speed and surged toward the enemy battle line, their gunners firing at any target they could see. Even Von der Tann, with only her 5.9-inch guns left, steamed toward the flaming maw of the Grand Fleet’s guns. As the gun action heated up, III Torpedo Boat Flotilla, retiring from their battle around Wiesbaden, cut through Scheer’s battle line and regrouped on the light cruiser SMS Rostock (on the starboard flank). With their torpedoes expended, they would take up screening duty. At 19:15, Scheer sent a wireless message to his remaining flotillas to charge the British line and launch torpedoes. The light cruiser SMS Regensburg rallied the II, VI, VII, and IX Flotillas and steered to the NE. The little torpedo craft began laying a thick smokescreen as they advanced, fanning out so the smoke would cover Scheer’s maneuver. The attack was utterly reckless, but absolutely essential. Scheer’s battle fleet was within 10,000 yards of the enemy and still closing. If he was going to make good his escape, he would have to thoroughly disrupt the enemy battle line. SMS Derfflinger, battered and down by the bow, leads the Imperial battlecruisers on “The Death Ride” against the British Grand Fleet. Thick black smoke gushes from her funnels as the engines strain at full speed. Though heavily damaged, she will do her duty and help save Scheer’s battle fleet. THE Imperial battlecruisers approached the British line at high speed and Derfflinger, as lead ship, came under a particularly galling fire. There is no way to tell with any certainty how many enemy ships concentrated their fire on the “Iron Dog”, but it was certainly no fewer than 12 battleships -- the British 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th Battleship Divisions were the nearest to her with a clear line of sight. And the 15-inch-gunned HMS Royal Oak and Revenge were well placed to bring their massive guns into action. Derfflinger and Seydlitz (just astern) frequently disappeared from view as a dozen shell splashes leapt high into the air and rained down tons of water onto their decks. Near misses plunged into the water alongside and exploded, shaking the battlecruisers as if they had been struck by a giant hammer. And then, there were the shells that struck home. When Richard Wagner composed “Der Ring des Nibelungen”, he could not have foreseen the death and destruction of Jutland – but surely this last act of the Imperial battlecruisers was their own “Gotterdammerung” (Twilight Of The Gods). As “point ship” of the German battle line, SMS Derfflinger was the “target of choice”, and her luck ran out around 19:15, when a 15-inch shell fired by HMS Revenge penetrated the roof of “D” turret. The huge shell detonated on the right hand powder hoist, set fire to the charges in the hoist, and completely burned-out the turret. There was no danger of an explosion, but 75 men were killed and “D” magazine was flooded as a precaution. Between 19:16 and 19:17 (yes – just two minutes) four more hits were scored by Revenge. One 15-inch shell penetrated the barbette of “C” turret just below the gun house and exploded -- just below and between the gun breeches. Again, the powder charges in the hoists ignited, killed 68 men, and burned-out the turret. Derfflinger had lost both stern turrets in the space of two minutes. Two of the big shells plunged into the quarter deck and exploded below, blasting a pair of 15-foot holes in the deck, while causing extensive damage to the compartments below, and starting a raging fire. The final shell from Revenge went through Derfflinger’s forward funnel about three feet above the bridge. A short time later, two 15-inch shells from HMS Royal Oak passed through the aft funnel, while a 12-inch round from HMS Bellerophon plowed into the forward armored conning tower. Korvettenkapitan von Hase was directing his guns from inside the upper level… “Suddenly, it was as if we had heard the crack of Doom. A terrific roar, a tremendous explosion, and then darkness. The whole conning tower seemed to rise into the air, only to fall back into position. We tumbled about like stones in a bucket, then poisonous yellow-green gases filled the tower and we managed to get the heavy door open with great difficulty to breath fresh air. To our great relief, the heavy shell had failed to penetrate the thick steel.” Hammered by large caliber shells, with her aft turrets enveloped in a raging inferno, Derfflinger shouldered her way through the towering water columns and held course for the British battle fleet. SMS Seydlitz, battered and with smoldering fires, follows Derfflinger on “the Death Ride” against the British Grand Fleet. (Claus Bergen) Next astern of Derfflinger was SMS Seydlitz and, she too, came in for her share of attention. At 19:17 a 15-inch shell disabled the right hand gun barrel of “E” turret. And around 19:20, a 12-inch shell fired by HMS St. Vincent impacted the gun house of the burnt-out “C” turret, igniting a furious powder fire from charges still in the loading trays. Both Seydlitz and Derfflinger would burn for hours. Moltke, with her luck holding, managed to avoid any damage during the “Death Ride”. Little Von der Tann, expertly handled by Kapitan Zenker, continued to dodge salvos and took only one hit during the “second encounter” with the Grand Fleet. A 15-inch shell from HMS Revenge struck the rear of the aft conning tower, and though it failed to penetrate, it exploded on contact and splinters entered through the vision slits, killing four men. Unfortunately, the massive spray of splinters also penetrated the fantail deck and knocked-out a dynamo, plunging the below-decks compartments into darkness. SMS Seydlitz on fire in several places and burning fiercely from the second hit on the burnt-out “C” turret. Seydlitz would be the most heavily damaged capital ship in the Hochseeflotte to survive the Battle Of Jutland. This picture was taken the day after the battle, and in the end, it was a miracle she managed to make Wilhelmshaven. Hartog’s Panzerkreuzer continued their reckless charge, closing the range to under 7,700 yards – so close, no armor in existence could prevent shell penetration. Though battered, the Imperial battlecruisers held their course, maintained their speed, and kept up a steady fire against the enemy line. But no amount of courage and determination was going to overcome the odds they faced. Around 19:16, there was unexpected relief from the madness. Derfflinger’s lookouts spotted a flag signal on Friedrich der Grosse’s halyards ordering a course change...”Operate against the enemy’s van”. Kapitan Hartog went out on the bridge wing, verified the signal, and only then did he order a four point turn to starboard. Hartog swung his battlecruisers onto a southerly course, parallel to the British battle line and continued to engage – but he now had leeway to maneuver. As he fought a running gun duel to the south, Hartog gradually opened the range to something less suicidal. To his credit Scheer, during his later audience with the Kaiser, regaled His Majesty with the heroism of the Panzerkreuzer…,,, “When the signal was given to attack the British line with the utmost ferocity, the battlecruisers threw themselves at the enemy without regard to their own safety. The sight of our battlecruisers steaming at full speed against the enemy, while their shells fell all about, was an inspiration to the entire fleet. Although a number of their guns were unable to fire, and some of the ships were severely damaged, they did not hesitate to advance recklessly towards the enemy. Their conduct is especially deserving of the highest possible praise...” The Kaiser was nearly overcome with the very thought of the scene. Seydlitz in the heat of battle as “the Death Ride” nears its climax. Notice how the ship is closed-in on all sides by rolling gun smoke and towering water columns from near misses. As many as a dozen British battleships have taken her under fire and at slightly more than 7,000 yards, her upper works have been shredded by 6-inch shells and splinter damage. Her blackened “C” turret was hit and burnt-out early in the battle and the gun tubes are still elevated over the starboard side. Numerous shell casings ejected from the rear of “D” turret lie among the battle debris strewn about the decks. (Claus Bergen) About the same time Hartog made his turn to the south (around 19:20), the massed flotillas of the Hochseeflotte threw themselves at the British battle line. Five flotillas struggled through the fusillade of shells hurled at them -- thick smoke churning from their funnels trailed astern -- laying the smoke screen Scheer so desperately needed to conceal his dreadnoughts. The little torpedo boats spread out into attack mode and formed up in “waves”. They were having difficulty working into an attack position and were, for the most part, operating at reduced speeds. The small boats only had a few boilers in their slim hulls, and the inferior German coal was “playing-up” in the fireboxes. The low grade coal burned slowly and not even fully. This resulted in a build-up of “clinkers” in the fireboxes – seriously hampering efforts to maintain steam pressure. The little craft had been in constant motion for several hours, and mostly at high speed – they simply did not have the time nor opportunity to “trim their fires” and keep them hot. At the same time, the ever-present British destroyers emerged from between the columns of dreadnoughts and sought to blunt the German attack. Torpedo boats from several flotillas had no remaining torpedoes, and they peeled off to engage the enemy. The torpedo boats moving to the attack simply fended off the English destroyers with gunfire as they rushed past, leaving them to be dealt with by their flotilla mates. A British destroyer flotilla coming out from behind the British battle line to repel the mass attack of the German torpedo boats. German torpedo boats closing with the British battle line to deliver a diversionary torpedo attack while Scheer extricates his fleet from a critical situation. The little torpedo boats closed, in some cases, to less than 6,500 yards to launch their torpedoes – an insanely close range for a daylight torpedo attack. The VI and IX Flotillas worked their way in to about 8,000 yards, then started their attack run. The British dreadnoughts shifted fire onto the attacking torpedo boats and opened with both main and secondary batteries. The battleships kept up a rapid fire, the big guns aimed in the enemy’s general direction. Even if they did not obtain a direct hit, a near miss with a heavy caliber shell might be enough to disable the flimsy torpedo boats. The German “first wave” pressed in to 6,500 yards, twisting and turning to avoid the heavy fire. Shell splashes towered high into the air before crashing down on the torpedo boat’s exposed decks. Shell splinters from near misses whirred through the air like angry hornets, punching holes in funnels, the thin hull plates, and the torpedo crews working their weapons mounts. When human endurance could bear no more, the small boats swerved to port, loosed their torpedoes, and zig-zagged back into their own smoke. The “second wave” was supposed to be made up of the II and VII Flotillas, but the II Flotilla lost their way in the thick smoke, and by the time their eleven boats located the enemy, they were no longer in a position to delivered their 63 torpedoes against the British battle line. (The other German flotillas had already retired from the fight, and the British battle line was well out of range and steaming out of danger. A major “lost” opportunity for the Germans.) Meanwhile, the VII Flotilla had gamely followed their predecessors to a little less than 7,000 yards before unleashing their torpedoes. The third wave of boats went in right behind them, joined by three stragglers from III Flotilla that still had torpedoes. They had to struggle to get into an attack position, because the Grand Fleet had already begun to turn away from the danger. The boats in the third wave finally fired their torpedoes in the general direction of the retreating dreadnoughts on the theory that with so many targets they had to hit something. (This was a then-current tactical theory held by both the British and US navies – referred to as a “browning shot”. With an enemy arrayed in a line-ahead formation, you massed the torpedo craft, fired the torpedoes, and about 30% of them would likely strike a target. As with most theories, it worked better on paper than in practice.) German torpedo boats have launched their torpedoes at the British battle line and are taking evasive action as they begin a zig-zag withdrawal under murderous fire. Lookouts aboard HMS Iron Duke spotted the mass of enemy torpedo boats rushing toward the fleet and alerted Jellicoe. He immediately ordered the signal officer to hoist the pennant for an “emergency turn-away”. The Grand Fleet first turned away two points to port, then two minutes later, Jellicoe ordered them back to starboard, mistakenly believing he had avoided the torpedoes. Swinging back into the path of oncoming torpedoes, Jellicoe was forced to order a three point turn to port, putting them on a SE course. The Germans launched a number of torpedoes despite the British destroyer attacks and the chaos of heavy gunfire from the battle line. The quoted number varies from 21 to 41 torpedoes – so it is impossible to say how many were actually fired. And though the turn-away was executed promptly, it was not nearly enough helm to get out of danger -- and the torpedoes only had a short distance to cover. HMS Marlborough, Colossus, Hercules, and Agincourt (5th and 6th Battleship Divisions), all had to put their helms hard over to avoid numerous torpedoes. HMS Marlborough seemed to attract the German torpedoes, with one each passing ahead and astern, and a third traveling beneath the battleship without exploding. Another torpedo passed between Iron Duke and Thunderer – one each passed ahead and astern of both HMS Collingwood and HMS Temeraire. And HMS Revenge had to put her helm over twice in succession as two pairs of torpedoes sped past. But the nearness of these “known” torpedoes does not imply a failure on the part of the Germans or their torpedoes. The goal of the torpedo boats was to disrupt the British battle line – and they had certainly done that. But if Jellicoe had chosen not to turn away from the torpedoes, there is every possibility he could have had eight dreadnoughts torpedoed and withdrawn from the battle line – including his own flagship. Out of those eight, five could easily have gone to the bottom. HMS Marlborough, having already taken one torpedo, would most certainly have succumbed to a second hit. In the end, there were no torpedo hits on the dreadnoughts of the Grand Fleet – and it was entirely due to Jellicoe’s prompt signal to turn away from the danger. The Germans had two torpedo boats badly damaged, while HMS Iron Duke sent a third boat to the bottom with two 13.5-inch shells. Within hours of returning to Scapa Flow, Vice-Admiral Jellicoe was being criticized for turning away from the enemy torpedoes instead of turning toward them. Why? Because, unknowingly, it was at this moment of chaos that he lost contact with the Hochseeflotte. He was steaming away from the enemy while his enemy was steaming away from him. With the Imperial battlecruisers and the massed torpedo boat flotillas fully engaged, and the smoke screen across the bows of his battle line -- Vizeadmiral Scheer seized the moment of maximum confusion. At 19:18 he signaled his third “battle turn-away” of the day. This time the maneuver was not executed with the same precision as the others. During the second encounter with the English battle fleet, the German ships had strayed from their careful formation – some to open the firing arcs of their guns – others to dodge salvos. Some of the German dreadnoughts had been damaged and were having difficulty maintaining their station in the battle line. Some were “bunched-up”, and still others had slowed down to avoid collision. But the “cluster” gradually sorted itself out, and by 19:30 the Hochseeflotte was making best speed to the west – completely unobserved by the British. When Kapitan Hartog received Scheer’s signal to turn away, he immediately swung the battlecruisers SW and began making smoke. Once the smoke covered his wake, the enemy firing stopped, and the badly battered 1st Scouting Group altered course to WSW, and later to west. By 19:26 Derfflinger’s lookouts sighted the lead elements of the Hochseeflotte. As they drew nearer, Scheer signaled a course change to SW, and ordered the battlecruisers to take station off I Battle Squadron’s port beam. During the approximately ten minutes of the “second encounter”, the German battleships suffered some 108 dead, while SMS Konig had been hit 10 times, Grosser Kurfurst-8, Markgraf-5, and Kaiser-2. SMS Helgoland had been hit once, Oldenburg-1, Rheinland-1, Nassau-2, and Westfalen-1 (all medium caliber shells). Kronprinz, Prinzregent Luitpold, Kaiserin, Friedrich der Grosse, Ostfriesland, Thuringen, and Posen received no damage during the second encounter. Understandably, the first three ships leading the battle line had suffered the most damage, but for all the “steel” that had been thrown at them, there were surprisingly few hits – and none of them critical. Of course, during the entire day of battle, the dreadnought battleships of the Hochseeflotte had only been directly engaged for just under an hour. The Imperial battlecruisers, on the other hand, had been closely engaged for all of five hours – and they were in bad shape. SMS Lutzow was struck by 25 large caliber shells and suffered 128 dead. Too badly damaged to continue, she had already been detached to make for Wilhelmshaven (but would eventually founder). SMS Derfflinger lost 158 dead, was struck by 18 large caliber shells (10 of which, were 15-inch), and still had one operational main battery turret. She had taken on some water, but was capable of maintaining her place in the line. SMS Seydlitz was hit by 21 large caliber shells (source BundesArchive) and one torpedo, lost 98 dead, and though heavily damaged and down by the bow, she could make 18 knots. SMS Moltke, miraculously, had received only 4 hits during the course of the day (by 15-inch shells) and took on about 1,000 tons of water, but with no significant damage and only 16 dead. While striking HMS Tiger 13 times, Moltke emerged from the maelstrom virtually intact. SMS Von der Tann was hit by 4 large caliber shells during the day (two of them 15-inch) and only lost 11 dead. Both “A” and “C” turrets were jammed by shell fire, while the guns of both “B” and “D” turrets overheated and jammed in their slides. One 15-inch shell struck her aft below the waterline and caused serious flooding. Through the Herculean efforts of the damage control and repair parties, Von der Tann maintained her place in the line. Turret crews and mechanics worked tirelessly to repair and replenish the recoil systems on the midships gun turrets, while artificers had even used explosive charges to clear the twisted metal jamming the stern turret. Soon after nightfall, three of Von der Tann’s turrets were restored to operation. It is late in the day, and 2nd Battleship Division of the Grand Fleet is steaming SW in parallel pursuit of the Hochseeflotte. Note the very hazy visibility at the end of the column. As the Hochseeflotte steered SW at 17 knots, Jellicoe turned the Grand Fleet SSW and maintained speed at 18 knots. He was determined to hold onto his tactical advantage by keeping between Scheer and his escape routes to the east. But though they were no longer at each other’s throats, the shipboard routine was anything but “business as usual”. As dusk deepened into night, a pause in the action from roughly 20:20 to 21:00 allowed the German crews to tend to immediate needs. With darkness approaching, men were hurriedly detailed to prepare the big searchlights for nighttime action – making good splinter damage where possible, and restoring severed power leads. Turret crews and mechanics worked in the dim light, tending to the big guns they served -- cutting away wreckage, replacing broken instruments, and restoring power leads and voice tubes. There were, of course, casualties that had to be dealt with – and the gun crews had been confined to their turrets under a great deal of stress – they needed fresh air and rest. The shot-away signal halyards and wireless aerials needed to be replaced and there were still fires to put out. And there were hundreds of splinter holes to be plugged, shell holes to be patched, and weakened bulkheads to be shored-up. Most important of all, the drain inlets to the pumps had to be regularly cleared of blast debris so the seawater in the flooded compartments could be held in check. The engine room crews had been hard at it since early afternoon – the engines running at full revolutions – gauges to be watched, valves to be adjusted -- and the sudden flurry of activity when orders came from the bridge. On the other side of the watertight bulkhead, the back-breaking effort to maintain a full head of steam had taken its toll. Stokers on a coal-fired ship -- steaming at high speed -- had the never-ending job of feeding the boilers. With the forced-draft fans whirring at full speed, the fireboxes devoured coal just about as fast as a man could shovel it. At the height of the battle, the teams of stokers had to be changed out regularly, and replacements were kept handy if someone fell out in the stoke hold. Stripped to the waist and sweating like pigs, they were covered head to toe with the coal dust that hung in the air. Nearing the limits of human endurance, they too, would have to be relieved, fed, provided with a “pint”, and allowed topside for fresh air. In the descending darkness, while all this feverish work was going on, Scheer altered course to the south around 19:50 and began “getting his house in order”. The Hochseeflotte had taken something of a pounding, and was a bit strung-out as a result. The Flottenchef did his best to gather his squadrons and tighten-up the formation before darkness made it impossible. Kommodore von Reuter’s light cruisers of the 4th Scouting Group (Stettin, Munchen, Frauenlob, Stuttgart, Hamburg) were scouting about two miles in advance of the battle fleet. The pre-dreadnoughts of Konteradmiral Mauve’s II Battle Squadron (Hannover, Pommern, Schlesien, Schleswig-Holstein, Hessen, Deutschland) were at the head of the main body. About a half mile off their port quarter, Kapitan Hartog’s four remaining battlecruisers were guarding the eastern flank of the two leading battle squadrons (II and I). Vizeadmiral Schmidt followed on a parallel course about two miles to the north with the I Battle Squadron (Westfalen, Nassau, Rheinland, Posen, Oldenburg, Helgoland, Thuringen, Ostfriesland). Scheer’s flagship, Friedrich der Grosse was attached to the tail of I Battle Squadron. About a half mile astern was, Konteradmiral Behncke and the III Battle Squadron (Prinzregent Luitpold, Kaiserin, Kronprinz, Markgraf, Grosser Kurfurst, Konig). With her battle damage, SMS Markgraf was having trouble keeping up, but Behncke was making best possible speed to try and close the gap before darkness set in. It was vitally important that he maintain contact with the battle line at this point. When the sun dipped below the western horizon, the night would be pitch-black. Everyone’s nerves were on edge, and it would be only too easy to open fire on friendly ships. During the last hour and a half of daylight, while Scheer’s ships were repairing battle damage and making preparations for a possible night engagement – they did so unmolested. Though he had twice beaten Scheer in battle, Jellicoe showed no sense of urgency about tracking him down to finish the job. His battle fleet was positioned to cut Scheer off from his base, and he was reluctant to jeopardize his blocking position by going off on a potentially fruitless search. It was, in fact, the job of Beatty’s battlecruisers to hunt down the Hochseeflotte – but he had tamely assumed the traditional scouting task about six miles ahead of the battle fleet. Beatty occasionally -- through the smoke, mist, and gathering twilight – saw German capital ships steaming SW until 19:45, but his later biographer wrote… ”He wished to close the enemy van, but in poor visibility, felt it would be unwise to press the enemy too closely without battleship support.” With diplomatic language of that sort, his biographer could have filled a posting to the Foreign Office. The whole “raison d’etre” of the battlecruiser was to hunt down the enemy, report on him, and if necessary, engage him until the fleet could come up in support. The sound tactical reasons why Jellicoe did not go swanning about searching for the enemy in no way applied to Beatty – and Kapitan Hartog had just given a magnificent demonstration of how to take battlecruisers into close action with a battle fleet. Beatty’s sudden prudence contrasts sharply with the rash eagerness he had shown when first closing with Hipper – without the support of Evan-Thomas’ battleships. But then – Beatty had since put in four hard hours and lost three battlecruisers trying to sink just one of Hipper’s ships. Around 19:47, his newly acquired caution resulted in the now famous (or infamous) signal...”Submit van of battleships follow battlecruisers. We can then cut off whole of enemy’s battle fleet.” Notably, Beatty declined to act on his own initiative and waited the 23 minutes it took to send the signal to HMS Iron Duke and receive the answer – by which time the Imperial battle fleet had disappeared into the approaching gloom and all opportunity was lost. For some reason, neither Beatty nor Jellicoe ordered their light cruisers to search for Scheer until around 20:00. With his dispositions made, Scheer steamed south – completely unaware Jellicoe had already altered his course to the SW. Jellicoe’s intention was to force Scheer farther away from the swept minefield channels south of Horns Reef. With barely half an hour of dim light remaining, the two mighty fleets were on a converging course, yet again. And the first indication of this potentially explosive situation came just minutes before “last light”. About a half mile ahead of Jellicoe’s battleships, the British 4th Light Cruiser Squadron (Calliope, Constance, Caroline, Royalist, Comus) and 11th Destroyer Flotilla stumbled upon the German V Torpedo Boat Flotilla and unwittingly chased them west, across the wake of Hartog’s battlecruisers. In a few more minutes, the British scouting group ran up against Scheer’s battle line. About the time Commodore Le Mesurier realized what he had run into, his light cruisers were taken under fire by SMS Prinzregent Luitpold, Markgraf, and Kaiser. The German dreadnoughts obviously thought it was an enemy torpedo attack and they opened a rapid and accurate fire with both their main and secondary batteries. Startled by the tightly grouped enemy salvos, the British quickly turned away, but not before HMS Calliope launched a torpedo at the battleships. The torpedo missed, but Calliope was hit by five 5.9-inch shells and suffered 33 casualties before she could get clear. Some four miles ahead, just after 20:00, the advance screen of both fleets stumbled into each other and fought a rather spirited engagement. Kommodore von Reuter’s 4th Scouting Group (Stettin, Munchen, Frauenlob, Stuttgart, Hamburg) was steering south ahead of the German battle fleet, when Rear-Admiral Napier’s 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron (Falmouth, Yarmouth, Birkenhead, Gloucester) steamed out of the murky dusk. Von Reuter turned to attack, and both sides opened simultaneously, exchanging rapid fire for three or four minutes. Barely able to see their enemy, von Reuter’s squadron sustained several hits – two on Munchen – one of which destroyed the casings on the aft four boilers, making it difficult to maintain steam pressure. Von Reuter turned away sharply to the west – coming back to a southerly course after a mile or two. Napier, not wishing to press his luck in the near-darkness, turned his cruisers due south. Oddly enough, Konteradmiral Boedicker’s 2nd Scouting Group (light cruisers Frankfurt, Pillau, Elbing) was trailing von Reuter about a quarter mile astern when the skirmish erupted. Instead of moving to support von Reuter, Boedicker turned away sharply to the west – later claiming he did not wish to mask the fire of II Battle Squadron approaching a mile astern. (A somewhat flimsy excuse for not supporting von Reuter, but Boedicker was not relieved of his command.) The muzzle flashes and sounds of gunfire attracted the attention of everyone on HMS Lion’s bridge. Beatty swung his battlecruisers west to investigate and within a few minutes (20:18), Hartog’s battlecruisers were sighted on the starboard beam at roughly 8,500 yards. (Visual range was falling as the evening grew darker.) Vizeadmiral Hipper, in the torpedo boat G-39, was just pulling alongside SMS Moltke, preparing to transfer to the battlecruiser, when Beatty opened fire. Oberleutnant von Loefen shouted for full speed, and as G-39 shot forward, he sheered away from the battlecruiser and disappeared into the gathering darkness. Beatty’s first few shells landed among Boedicker’s scouting group, but fire was quickly concentrated on the German battlecruisers. The Panzerkreuzer instantly replied with what cannon they still had available. SMS Derfflinger had been taken under fire by HMS Lion and Princess Royal. HMS Tiger was shooting at SMS Pillau as Boedicker withdrew to the west, and SMS Seydlitz was under fire from HMS New Zealand and Indomitable. The falling darkness seriously interfered with the German gunnery, making it difficult to range on a target, but they opened fire just seconds behind the British and fought back all the same. Both Lion and Princess Royal were struck once apiece, but the German ships suffered far worse. Derfflinger was hit twice by 13.5-inch shells at short range, one of which jammed “A” turret, leaving the big cruiser with no serviceable main battery guns. But the already heavily damaged Seydlitz was struck five more times in the space of just a few minutes. At 21:27, with most of his battlecruisers unable to return fire, Hartog swung sharply to starboard and the column steered west and away from Beatty. As British salvos continued to fall about the battlecruisers, Hartog cut through the gap between II Battle Squadron (to the south) and I Battle Squadron (to the north). Vizeadmiral Schmidt (I Battle Squadron) held his course and speed as Hartog crossed his bow headed west. SMS Westfalen and Nassau, leading Schmidt’s column, were showered with splinters from near misses, and Westfalen was even forced to reduce speed and haul out to starboard to avoid colliding with Von der Tann as she passed ahead. The first of Schmidt’s ships to open fire was SMS Posen, followed by Westfalen, Nassau, and Rheinland. But after a few salvos, they lost their targets in the billowing smoke and darkness, and ceased firing. Konteradmiral Mauve’s old pre-dreadnoughts of II Battle Squadron open fire on Beatty’s battlecruisers while covering the withdrawal of the heavily damaged Imperial battlecruisers. SMS Hannover leads the squadron and is shown here straddled by 13.5-inch shell splashes. Too small and obsolete to stand in the line of battle, they earned their battle honors in the early hours of darkness when their sudden appearance dissuaded Beatty from chasing Hartog’s crippled Panzerkreuzer. (Superb painting by Claus Bergen.) At almost the same moment, Konteradmiral Mauve (II Battle Squadron) became aware of the commotion astern of his squadron and swung the old pre-dreadnoughts SW to open their firing arcs. In the gathering gloom and mist, Schleswig-Holstein and Pommern could see nothing, though the later eventually opened fire on a target. But Deutschland, Hannover, Schlesien, and Hessen spotted HMS Lion and Princess Royal. Visibility was poor and deteriorating quickly, but they opened fire on the “fuzzy” targets, nonetheless. Once again, Lion, Princess Royal, and now Indomitable, were struck by 11-inch shells. Beatty’s battlecruisers switched fire to the new targets and opened on the elderly “five minute ships”. Gamely returning fire, Mauve’s pre-dreadnoughts “diced with the Devil” as British shells began to fall around them. SMS Hannover, leading II Battle Squadron, was straddled aft on the third salvo. The next salvo straddled the bow. The concussion of the 13.5-inch shells shook Hannover as splinters tore into her hull above and below the waterline, causing minor flooding. The range could not have been more than 8,000 yards and the British were getting the better of the bargain. Pommern was repeatedly straddled and began dodging salvos while remaining in the line. On the sixth salvo, the old battleship was struck with a 12-inch shell fired by HMS Indomitable. The shell hit the citadel armor a glancing blow, and slammed into the belt armor below, detonating on impact. The armor plate was fractured and forced back some seven inches, causing heavy structural damage and minor flooding. The pre-dreadnought battleship SMS Pommern, II Battle Squadron, Hochseeflotte: Commissioned 1907 – 13,200 tons – 18 knots – 4x11-inch guns – 14x6.7-inch guns – 20x3.5-inch guns – 6x17.7-inch torpedo tubes – belt armor 9 inches. Technically obsolete the day she was launched, Pommern “earned her keep” at Jutland when she helped cover the withdrawal of the Imperial battlecruisers. Here you see her opening fire on HMS Lion around 20:20. Over the course of just a few minutes, it was all darkness, smoke, and muzzle flashes as shells fell all about. HMS New Zealand hit Schleswig-Holstein with a 12-inch shell on the casemate armor. The shell did not actually penetrate the plate, but detonated and blew a large piece inboard, wrecking a 5.9-inch gun and injuring several men. SMS Schlesien was hit as well, though the damage was mostly splinters from a near miss. Having engaged the British in battle, and covered the withdrawal of Hartog’s wounded battlecruisers, Admiral Mauve decided not to tempt the “Gods of Battle” – and ordered an eight-point turn to starboard – disappearing into the dark of night around 20:35. Beatty, for his part, thought he had finally “bagged” the German battle cruisers, and was somewhat rudely surprised when -- out of the darkness -- battleships had fired on him from both his starboard beam and his starboard quarter. He was also keenly aware he was alone and unsupported. Beatty chose not to press his luck and steamed on to the SW – oblivious of the fact he had just steamed across the path of the approaching Hochseeflotte. By 21:00, Beatty had altered course to SSE – still unaware that only ten miles astern, the Hochseeflotte followed in his wake. And Konteradmiral Mauve could not have known his old pre-dreadnoughts had just fought the last capital ship action of The Great War. Off to the west, hidden by the shroud of darkness, Vizeadmiral Hipper finally managed to board SMS Moltke and once again hoist his flag. Kapitan von Karpf greeted Hipper when he came over the side, expressing his pleasure at having the Admiral aboard. Hipper merely raised an eyebrow and chuckled…”I assure you Kapitan, you are not half as pleased to have me aboard as I am to finally be aboard. I have spent a wild night in a torpedo boat that I shall not soon forget!” The “old buccaneer” had endured an unnerving night, but managed to keep his sense of humor. Once again, for a bit of clarity, I have included a map track of the battle that might help tie some of the events together. FLEET ACTION (1) 18:00 Scouting forces rejoin their respective fleets. (2) 18:15 British fleet deploys into battle line (3) 18:30 German fleet under fire turns away (4) 19:00 German fleet turns back (5) 19:15 German fleet turns away for second time (6) 20:00 (7) 21:00 Nightfall: Jellicoe assumes night cruising formation NEXT TIME…… THINGS THAT GO “BOOM” IN THE NIGHT My apologies for not including any in-game images with this chapter. We have not yet figured out how to show a model firing it’s guns – and virtually none of the warships have night-lighting on them – so it was impossible to work them into the text of the story line. Consequently, I felt compelled to include a selection of random pictures from the Cuxhaven map tile. I have numbered the pictures – so if you have any questions – just drop me a note and I will be happy to explain. I hope you enjoy them…… RANDOM 01 RANDOM 02 RANDOM 03 RANDOM 04 RANDOM 05 RANDOM 06 RANDOM 07 RANDOM 08 RANDOM 09 MANY THANKS to @Barroco Hispano for his beautiful warship models. SPECIAL THANKS to my friend and partner, @AP, for his talents, meticulous models, colorful imagination, and extreme dedication. If you enjoyed anything – please punch the “like” button so WE will know. A comment would be even more informative. Comments and critiques requested and gratefully accepted. All questions answered promptly to the best of our ability. THANK YOU for your visit! You may wish to visit these CJ’s as well…… SERIES I: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: WILHELMSHAVEN SERIES II: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN Appearing – Work In Publication SERIES III: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: BREMERHAVEN Appearing -- ??? And please feel free to drop in at… THE SIMTROPOLIS SHIPYARD https://community.simtropolis.com/forums/topic/761469-simtropolis-shipyard/?tab=comments#comment-1766496- 2 Comments
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Chapter 10: Neither Fish Nor Fowl
Dreadnought posted a City Journal entry in IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN
SMS Deutschland riding at anchor in the Kieler Hafen – circa 1910 – 13,191 tons – 19.1 knots – 4x11-inch guns – 14x6.7-inch guns – 22x3.5-inch guns – 6x17.7-inch torpedo tubes – belt armor 9.4 inches. This was the last class of pre-dreadnought battleships commissioned into the Kaiserliche Marine. IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN By: Dreadnought & AP Chapter 10: NEITHER FISH NOR FOWL With the appearance of HMS Dreadnought in 1906, the entire face of naval architecture changed over night. Admiral Tirpitz (Secretary Of State for the Navy) was confronted with the ugly fact that five ships of the new Deutschland Class pre-dreadnought battleships, (four of them still fitting-out) were now obsolete. And, for all practical purposes, no longer fit to lie in the line of battle. In fact, the Kaiserliche Marine had no battleships capable of standing against a “dreadnought”. They were simply too small, too slow, too lightly armored, and too under-gunned to have any practical combat value in what had become -- the “Dreadnought Era”. Besides wondering which Gods he had offended, Tirpitz must have wondered how it had come to this… His Majesty, Kaiser Wilhelm II, King of Prussia and Emperor of the German Empire – In his Grand Admiral’s uniform. Kaiser Wilhelm II had always been envious of his “Uncle Bertie’s” fleet (King Edward VII of Great Britain). And during the early decades of his life, Wilhelm had been a political pawn, pushed and pulled between his English mother (the former British Princess Royal) and the anti-English machinations of Chancellor Prince Otto von Bismarck. This created a curious (but predictable) love / hate relationship with his English relatives (Queen Victoria was his grandmother) that would endure throughout his lifetime. Wilhelm spent his years on the throne knowing he had the finest army in Europe, but always feeling “second best” to Edward’s navy. Kapitan zur See Alfred von Tirpitz had approached the Kaiser early in his reign (early 1890’s) with a plan that might allow Wilhelm to compete with England at sea. An idea that immediately found Royal favor. In 1897, now an Admiral, von Tirpitz was appointed State Secretary for the Navy (with the Kaiser’s enthusiastic support) to put his plans into motion. Tirpitz was not fool enough to think German shipyards could out-build the English. But they could build a fleet strong enough to pose a threat. With a fleet of respectable size, Germany could move into the realm of world politics (Weltpolitik) as a major player alongside Britain, France, and Russia – but most especially Britain. The Kaiser wanted Germany to have her “place in the sun” – and -- he could get a bit of his own back on “Uncle Bertie”. Gross Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz – Secretary of State for the Navy – and creator of the Hochseeflotte. What Tirpitz proposed was, in actuality, the principle of “the fleet in being”. It would become both an instrument of war and an instrument of diplomacy. The fleet did not have to be the largest one, it just had to be big enough to provoke serious thought. With a fleet of sufficient size and quality, that strength could be used to influence other powers. France, for example, might have an army sufficient to stand against Germany – but their mobilization plans relied heavily on reinforcements from various colonies. If a strong German navy could interdict troop convoys from North Africa, the French position might become precarious. In the case of Britain, it was possible a strong German navy might influence her to remain neutral in a European land war. Simply put – a strong navy might stop other powers from interfering with German diplomacy -- or other, more martial, endeavors. HMS Dreadnought threw the entire “fleet in being” plan out of gear. Tirpitz had spent years and millions of Marks (Gold Marks) building a fleet of 20 pre-dreadnought battleships, and suddenly it had all been for nothing. A rather grim debate ensued within the Reichsmarineamt regarding whether to abandon the “fleet in being” principle, or to “double-down” and go to the Reichstag for more money to build the larger dreadnoughts. Tirpitz had worked too hard making the Kaiserliche Marine a competitive fighting force to simply throw up his hands and retire. And worst of all, to give up would be an insult to the Imperial Navy’s Royal patron. In May 1906, Tirpitz went back to the Reichstag with a supplemental request to the Second Naval Law. Approved on 19 May, the “Novelle of 1906” allowed for the addition of six large cruisers and forty-eight destroyers. (The term “destroyer” was coined by Jackie Fisher when he added deck guns to Royal Navy torpedo boats. The new name was short for – “torpedo-boat-destroyer”.) At the same time, the Kaiserliche Marine’s budget rose from 206.5 million Marks (1904) to 290.8 million by 1907. SMS Nassau – name ship of a class of four -- the first dreadnought battleships built for the Kaiserliche Marine. Nassau, Westfalen, Rheinland, and Posen were laid down in 1907 and commissioned between 1909 and 1910. The ships displaced 18,873 tons, were 479 feet long, and capable of 20.2 knots. They were armed with 12x11-inch main battery guns and 12x5.9-inch secondary guns. Roughly comparable to HMS Dreadnought, they had the edge with better armor arrangements, but their triple expansion engines were a throw-back to old-fashioned technology. The Reichstag’s cash infusion allowed Tirpitz to counter HMS Dreadnought with four dreadnought battleships of the Nassau Class – on the theory the battle fleet was paramount and had to be strengthened first. The next problem to be dealt with were the new armored cruisers the British were known to be building. But there was still much discussion inside the Reichsmarineamt and Oberkommando der Marine (Naval High Command) about what direction the development of the armored cruiser (Panzerkreuzer) should take. And much of the discussion was driven by Wilhelm II, himself – starting as far back as 1904. The monarch’s considerable interest was not limited to dashing off doodles of ship designs on the back of envelopes and telegrams. Wilhelm constantly sent rambling memorandum to the State Secretary’s office, tactical and strategic advice to the Oberkommando and, of course, “sketch designs” to the naval architects. It is reasonably certain he was familiar with Cuniberti’s “big gun” article of 1903, and may have formed his own theory on big guns, speed, and battleships. He was also an avid reader of the “Marine-Rundschau”, a magazine started-up around the turn of the century by a group of industrialists. The publication’s specific purpose was to increase the general public’s interest in naval affairs. The public, in turn, would apply an added degree of pressure to the Reichstag for naval funding. Wilhelm II went as far as writing an article (under the pen-name “L”) for the January, 1904 issue. The article theorized that armored cruiser displacement was fast approaching that of battleships, and warned their size and expense would soon surpass battleships. Therefore, why not simply build battleships? SMS Nassau as she would have looked at her commissioning in 1909. She is tied-up at mooring dolphins outside the Coaling Basin. Inside the basin are several tugs and lighters waiting to unload their coal at the docks. Left to right – one Midgard Class is shoving a lighter into position, while another stands by. To the right is an Odin Class with two lighters lashed along side. And above that is an old Goliath Class tug (the towed lighters didn’t make it into the picture). Nassau and Goliath are courtesy of @Barroco Hispano – breakwaters by “Uki” – and everything else is by @AP. Another view of SMS Nassau. Her hull form was a bit short, and “stubby” – which was indicative of her low, 20-knot speed. A longer hull form would have made her much more “streamlined”, and would have provided room for additional boilers to increase speed. But, as Germany’s first dreadnoughts, Tirpitz chose to build them small, and as cheaply as possible, to avoid further conflict with the Reichstag. Nonetheless – they were capable battleships and served throughout The Great War. The Kaiser had long been an advocate of the “fast battleship” – a fusion of the two types. But in his scenario, the “Grosse Kreuzer” (large cruiser) would be cheaper than a battleship, three or four knots faster, have a large operating radius, would be capable of reconnaissance, and could fall back on the fleet and stand in the line of battle. In order to fulfill these roles, the cruiser’s armament would have to be a 9.4-inch or 10-inch main battery, with a 5.9-inch secondary battery. And, of course, it should have armor sufficient to withstand a 10 inch shell. But then, Wilhelm was an amateur, and his article was written in 1904. The technology to successfully pull this off did not yet exist. When Wilhelm II cited the article by “L” in a memorandum, Grossadmiral Tirpitz diplomatically rejected the idea on the grounds that such a vessel was financially undesirable as well as technically impossible. So, the discussion was “tabled” – for the time being. By early 1905, bits and pieces of information about HMS Dreadnought had begun to leak out, and even some “wild” rumors about powerful British cruisers. The “fast battleship” concept was raised again within the Reichsmarineamt – but was rejected again – due to cost and technical feasibility. But the rumors had made it clear -- a “Grosse Kreuzer” was certainly needed. During these discussions, the name “Grosse Kreuzer” was chosen as the official nomenclature – mainly because it sounded like a bigger armored cruiser – less likely to upset the Reichstag. Nassau from the stern. Note the layout of the main battery turrets – one fore and aft – and two “wing turrets” on either beam. At this stage of naval design evolution, wing turrets were considered acceptable – especially if you wanted as many guns as possible on a battleship. Though this gave her two more guns than HMS Dreadnought (extra redundancy in case of battle damage), Nassau was only able to bring eight guns to bear in broadside – the same as Dreadnought. Here is a close-up of Nassau, so you can examine all the beautiful detail in Barroco Hispano’s model. The stern alone is a wealth of detail – the stowage of the stern anchors – the anti-torpedo-boat guns in their casemates with the shields open. Each model’s detail can answer a lot of questions you may have about battleships. BTW – you can download and blow-up these hi-res pictures – it helps understand the ships better. Meanwhile, the British had shifted the focus of their armored cruisers from commerce protection to the role of a squadron-sized “fast wing” for the battle fleet. But Tirpitz stuck to the traditional reconnaissance role: defeating enemy cruiser screens to obtain information about the enemy battle fleet – protecting their own light forces – and pursuing damaged enemy ships. The Kaiser, however, kept returning to the idea that they should be able to fight in the battle line. Tirpitz, rather delicately, kept finding reasons why this would not work. The facts, however, were simple. Putting them in the battle line meant thicker armor -- armor increased weight -- weight meant more boilers to maintain speed – and more boilers meant a longer hull. And that was the irrefutable problem. German warships, at this time, were limited in length by the size of the harbor locks at Wilhelmshaven. Wilhelm’s fast, heavily armored cruiser would be too long for the locks. (The large #III entrance locks at Wilhelmshaven would not open until 1910.) On 4 March 1905, the specifications for “Grosse Kreuzer 1906” were formally submitted to the design office and the planning work began. From that point, everybody had a say in the matter. The Naval High Command pointed out several large warships were sent to the bottom during the Russo-Japanese War due to damage from floating mines and torpedo attacks. So a torpedo bulkhead was added inboard of the armor belt. All seemed to agree an increase of between 3,000 to 5,000 tons displacement over the Scharnhorst Class would be good. One design was done with six main battery guns -- and another with eight. Then the Naval High Command, in favor of battle line capability, insisted on twelve main battery guns. They also wanted to put 11-inch guns on the new “Grosse Kreuzer”, but Tirpitz bluntly refused -- the bigger guns were much too expensive. Privately, he was afraid it would set a bad precedent for future ships, running up the costs and displeasing the Reichstag. He was equally afraid the larger guns would encourage captains to seek a place in the battle line rather than taking care of their “cruiser” duties. At one point, steam turbines were proposed for the propulsion system. But triple-expansion engines had already been ordered and drawn into the “master set” of plans. Turbines, on the other hand, were untested in large German warships, and – worst of all – that bit of re-design work would take at least three months. So the idea was dropped – a decision that would come back to haunt them in 1915. And so it went – change after change – until 22 May 1906, when the final meeting was held and the design was officially “set”. The construction department took over the sketch plans to create the mechanical drafting sheets and blueprints. This department was also responsible for the final appearance of the ship, and they promptly reduced the number of funnels from four to two. The final drawings would take some weeks to complete, but on 26 May, the Reichstag approved the Naval Estimates – including a budget of 27 million Marks for “Grosse Kreuzer 1906”. HMS Minotaur – armored cruiser – 14,600 tons – 23 knots – 4x9.2-inch guns – 10x7.5-inch guns –5x18-inch torpedo tubes – belt armor 6 inches. Note the main battery 9.2-inch twin turrets fore and aft – and if you look carefully, you can see the 7.5 inch guns in single turrets, five on either beam, between the superstructure blocks. They were fast, and well-armed with cruiser-sized guns, but their armor belts were pathetically weak. The idea with the numerous heavy guns was to “smother” the target and destroy it. There is, however, reasonable doubt that poor Royal Navy gunnery could have destroyed another armored cruiser before their own ship was riddled like a colander. The new cruiser, or “E” as it was designated, had been designed based on the sketchy intelligence gathered on the British armored cruisers – specifically, that they were improved versions of the Minotaur Class. The Reichsmarineamt expected these ships to be armed with six or possibly eight 9.4-inch guns and of slightly increased displacement over the Minotaur’s. “Cruiser E” would mount twelve 8.3-inch guns in six twin turrets – a significant increase over the Scharnhorst Class, and an equally significant increase over the expected British cruisers. However – just five days after funding had been approved, and “Cruiser E” was ordered from the builder’s yard -- the rules of the game were changed yet again. The German naval attache in London finally obtained details of the new British armored cruisers. They were the Invincible Class – and they were not even remotely similar to the Minotaur Class. Their displacement of just over 18,000 tons was comparable to HMS Dreadnought and significantly larger than either the Scharnhorst Class armored cruisers or the Deutschland Class pre-dreadnought battleships. Their armament of eight 12-inch guns far surpassed the German standard of 8.3-inch cruiser guns. And their speed of 25 knots was not only phenomenal, but exceeded “Cruiser E” by nearly 2 knots. Jackie Fisher’s campaign of secrecy and disinformation had fooled the Germans more completely than he had ever imagined possible. HMS Invincible just after launch of the hull at Sir W.G. Armstrong, Whitworth & Co., Ltd on “Tyneside” – 13 April, 1907. Notice how the largely empty hull rides very high in the water. The steam paddle tugs have gotten lines on the hull and are preparing to tow her to the “Fitting Out” docks. There are three steam tugs visible in the picture and all of them are “paddlers” – very similar to “AP’s” beautiful tug models. HMS Invincible moored off the Coaling Basin. You can see the obvious differences between the average armored cruiser and the new British “dreadnought cruisers”. Invincible is longer, larger, and mounts eight of the more powerful 12-inch guns. The decks have been cleared of all the “clutter” found on the old armored cruisers. This is a close-up of Invincible. The detail on this model is fantastic. For example, the circular objects on top of the main battery turrets are actually pedestal gun mounts. As originally designed, two 4 inch torpedo boat defense guns were mounted atop each turret. Not only was this a ridiculous place to mount quick-firing guns that required large amounts of ammunition, but it was found the guns could not be worked when the main battery was in action. In addition, it was found that 4 inch guns were unable to stop modern torpedo boats and destroyers – so they were removed during the first refit. The battlecruiser is courtesy of @Barroco Hispano. Tirpitz immediately concluded the Invincible’s were a completely new type of warship that was neither an armored cruiser, nor a battleship – and it would be 1911 before the British officially reclassified them as battlecruisers. But that was just a matter of semantics. Tirpitz’ problem was much more real. The news could not have come at a conceivably worse moment for the Imperial Navy – and especially for Tirpitz. The need to make the leap to the “all-big-gun” battleship (Nassau) had entailed an enormous cost increase, and the State Secretary was still trying to incorporate this into the Naval Estimates in a manner palatable to the Reichstag. Suddenly, this process was going to be repeated for the “Grosse Kreuzer” type. It should be remembered – Scharnhorst was already at the upper end of those limits. The Reichstag did approve an increase for the “1906 Novelle” – but with restrictions. Battleship limits were “fixed” at 32 million Marks, and the “Grosse Kreuzer” limited to 27 million Marks. And that amount was just barely sufficient to cover the cost of a 15,500 ton cruiser. Tirpitz knew there was no hope of more money from the Reichstag – “Grosse Kreuzer E” had reached its’ budget limit. There simply was no more money to be begged, borrowed, or stolen. On June 21 1906, the Kaiser dutifully signed-off on the building order, even though his preferred fast battleship might have come closer to meeting the crisis. Then, on 12 July, the London naval attache confirmed his previous information (at the request of the Reichsmarineamt). The confirmation forced Tirpitz to face the cold, hard, facts. His naval architects had designed an armored cruiser to defeat another armored cruiser – and what he wound up with, was a big armored cruiser that didn’t stand a chance against a battlecruiser. The department heads were called together once again, and though the discussions lasted five hours, the facts were unalterable. An increase in gun caliber to 10 inches had already been ruled out due to budgetary limits, and additional speed could not be obtained because of the limits of the Wilhelmshaven locks, and the lengthy delay steam turbines would entail, was unacceptable. Armor sufficient to resist 12-inch shells was equally impossible under the budget restraints. And regardless of any other considerations, the armament had already been ordered from Krupp, building materials had already been assembled at the shipyard, and pre-construction fabrication was in progress. To delay until the following year – even with the possibility of additional funding – was out of the question. The Kaiserliche Marine could not afford to lose a year in their race against Great Britain. So the only option was to go ahead with construction as designed. A redesign of “Grosse Kreuzer E” is an attractive thought, and has always appealed to the “what if” school of historians, but it does not hold up under scrutiny. In order to fight on equal terms with the Invincible Class battlecruisers, the first thing needed would be bigger guns. The standard German 11-inch gun, especially in it’s high velocity version, was every bit as good as the British 12-inch weapon (though the later German 12-inch gun packed a bigger punch). And as standard weapons, the 11-inch guns would have been readily available. (Germany had not yet finished testing and development of a 12-inch naval rifle.) But an increase in gun caliber meant the barbettes would have to be enlarged. This would mean moving adjacent powder magazines, shell storage magazines, and shell handling rooms. This, in turn, would involve more “adjustments” in the shape and size of compartments surrounding the barbettes and various magazines. The work on the blueprints alone could have taken months. The speed issue is even more complicated. The Invincible Class was powered by Parson Steam Turbines and achieved just over 25 knots on trials. (Steam turbines -- think of an aircraft jet engine – or the jet fuel turbine in an Abrams main battle tank.) Turbines were lower and could be placed below the waterline, whereas triple expansion engines were taller than a house and would be exposed above the protective armored deck. Turbines produced more power with fewer boilers and operated more smoothly at high speeds. Triple expansion engines, largely due to their operating mechanics, could cause severe vibration at high speed, and they did have an upper limit -- and it was dangerously unwise to push them. Critically – the Kaiserliche Marine had not yet tested steam turbines in a large warship. So -- with four-cylinder triple expansion engines as a given, to increase “Kreuzer E’s” speed just 2 knots might require up to eight additional boilers (possibly more) – which means additional boiler rooms and a longer hull to accommodate them. And that meant more armor. The question of armor is in a class all by itself. “Grosse Kreuzer E” had been armored to withstand the fire of “standard” British armored cruisers -- usually 9.2-inch rifles. And though the new cruiser’s armor was “scaled-up” over the Scharnhorst Class -- it was still woefully inadequate against the 12-inch guns of the Invincible Class battlecruisers. The vital areas of the ship – engines, boilers, and magazines – would need three or four more inches of armor on the waterline belt, and one to two additional inches on the protected armor deck. The secondary batteries above the armor belt would require two or more inches added to the armored strake. The main battery turrets, the secondary battery casemated turrets, and the conning towers would all require serious armor up-grades. The reason the armor could not be sufficiently up-graded was because that much added weight would reduce the cruiser’s speed well below the required 25 knots – thus bringing us full circle to the original speed deficit. And these are just the most obvious problems with an attempted redesign. The final – and insurmountable problem – was the money. The Reichstag had already authorized millions of Marks in naval spending – their generosity was not unending. (Just thought I’d answer the re-design question before anyone asked…) So “Grosse Kreuzer E” was, as they say – “A day late and a dollar short”. She had been created to dominate opposing armored cruisers – a ship type that had suddenly been superseded by the battlecruiser. And she was, in her turn, dominated by the battlecruiser. What HMS Dreadnought had done to the pre-dreadnought battleship – HMS Invincible did to the armored cruiser. And there was such a vast difference between Invincible and “Kreuzer E”, that it could be said she was obsolete even before her keel was laid. And you would be right. The Oberkommando der Marine ordered their first battlecruiser the very next year, if further proof is needed. Obsolete or not, “Grosse Kreuzer E” was an over-sized armored cruiser and an under-sized battlecruiser – “neither fish nor fowl” – neither one thing nor the other. But, for the Kaiserliche Marine, she was the “Missing Link”. For decades, anthropologists searched for the “Missing Link” between cavemen and modern man. Jackie Fisher had made the jump from armored cruisers to battlecruisers in one great leap – and caught the rest of the naval world napping. For Germany, “Grosse Kreuzer E” was the reluctant and unfortunate bridge between the two. But it would be left to “Grosse Kreuzer F – 1907” to be designed and built as a counter to the newly evolved British battlecruiser. POSTSCRIPT: In recent years, many “revisionist” historians have taken the approach that “Fisher’s Great Deception” was not responsible for the faulty design parameters of SMS Blucher. Some have even gone as far as to say no contemporary documentation exists to support the story. It is true no German documents have yet been discovered in which the German staff or designers admit to having been “duped” by the English. But the substance of their design discussions have survived in bits and pieces of various inter-office memorandum and a few personal diaries – all of which indicate Blucher’s design was directly influenced by intelligence gathered in Britain by Embassy intelligence officers and the naval attache. Tirpitz and his staff were led to believe the English would build nothing larger than an “improved” Minotaur Class armored cruiser – and that is exactly what they had believed from the beginning. They had discounted rumors of great speed and big guns because, in their logical and analytical minds, they could not grasp the massive technological leap Fisher had taken with his “dreadnought cruisers”. Only after they had seen HMS Invincible on display at Spithead did they begin to understand the “dreadnought concept” and the full extent of its application. By then it was simply too late to save Blucher. NEXT TIME…… THE HYBRID CRUISER And there is a bit more for you…… This time we are going to take a tour of Cuxhaven’s coaling facilities and docks. Coal can be taken aboard a warship from a lighter, anywhere – a bay, an inlet, at a mooring point, or alongside a repair dock. Especially on an overseas voyage, you can coal ship anywhere there is room enough to bring a lighter alongside. But when you’re ship is in a major naval base – you go to the coaling docks. This is an overview of the coaling facilities. The receiving, storage, and distribution dumps are the large concrete pads in the bottom center, and they are connected by rail to the coaling docks at the top of the picture. In the lower left, you can see the north end of the West Loch, and north along the coast is Battery Scharnhorst. The roadsted and main harbor of Cuxhaven is out of the picture to the right. This is a closer view of the receiving, storage, and distribution system. The coal is brought in by rail from the main track to the right. The loaded cars are backed onto the dumping ramp and the doors in the bottom of the coal gondolas are opened. The coal slides down the concrete slope and onto the waiting piles at the bottom. The facility is set up to unload as many as four trains at one time. From the delivery chute, the coal is loaded into dump trucks and moved across the lot to the distribution pad. The piles on the left of the picture are waiting to be loaded onto rail cars to be sent out. As you can see, there is a wide variety of structures and equipment that have been used to portray the operation. Anyone familiar with industrial lots in SC4 will recognize them immediately. They have all been re-purposed to move coal to the warships in the harbor. I confess I have used some modern elements that were not available in 1910. Trucks – absolutely necessary to a functioning naval base – were primitive in those days, and there are, of course, no such props in SC4. So the bases will always be a strange mix of “early” and “later” 20th Century furnishings – my apologies. This is the distribution point where the coal is loaded into gondolas and shipped to the coaling docks. This is a close-up of the east side distribution point. The coaling lot was arranged in this manner so that two trains could be loaded at the same time – thereby ensuring a steady flow of coal to both sides of the coaling docks. While these two trains are loading, two more trains are out on the docks dumping their load. When they are empty, they return via the center track and wait below the switches. When the loaded trains have departed for the docks, the two waiting trains take their place. In this manner, a continuous supply of coal can be shuttled to the docks. These are the Cuxhaven coaling docks. They are laid out in a manner inspired by a 1930’s picture of coaling docks in Cardiff, Wales. The docks can accommodate four ships at a time. The elevated rail line runs down the center of the dock space and uses the same gravity dumping system as the storage area. The large warships and the oil tanker in the picture are courtesy of Barroco Hispano. All other ships, tugs, lighters, small craft, and mooring dolphins are crafted by AP. Everything else in the picture has been constructed by re-lotting or re-purposing lots and props already in-game. The battlecruiser SMS Derfflinger taking on coal. The elegant model is courtesy of Barroco Hispano. This is a close-up of the paddle tug Sophia towing two empty lighters out of the crowded coaling basin. Note the fine detail modeled into the paddle tug and the lighters. Moored along the seawall is an elderly Nordwind Class tug. Notice the open bridge – a common feature of early tug boats. Astern of her is a more modern Passat Class – an improved “second generation” of Nordwind. The Passat’s had more horsepower and could handle heavy seas more easily. Tugs, lighters, and mooring dolphins are the excellent work of “AP”. This is the Motor-Lighter Ajax. She is a unique vessel used to transport large or heavy pieces of equipment from shipyard factories or assembly sheds to dry docks or construction slipways. Her bridge is placed forward of the cargo area and elevated to give a good view ahead as well as being able to see over large cargoes carried amidships. Steering commands are passed by hand-set or speaking tubes to the wheelhouse atop the aft superstructure. Her twin funnels are placed side-by-side – an uncommon feature even in the early 1900’s – but the machinery spaces are comparatively small so it was necessary. On a good day, she can make all of 8 knots, and she is shallow draft and rides low in the water. Ajax was never meant to go beyond a harbor, estuary, or shallow coastal waters. On her midships cargo deck are a pair of massive three-cylinder, triple-expansion, steam engines. They are destined to be installed in “Grosse Kreuzer E”. The engines are just one of the many historically accurate props “AP” has provided to enhance the realism in SC4. And each new prop opens up a whole world that can be investigated and portrayed in the game. Motor-Lighter Ajax by “AP”. This is a close-up of a Thor Class tug standing-by to take two coal lighters under tow. This should give you a good idea of the high quality of the models and the great amount of detail worked into them by “AP”. Thor looks every bit the “worn-out harbor work-horse” she is meant to be. You can almost see the individual lumps of coal in the lighters. And even the empty lighters moored along the near side of the basin are pure perfection. Thor will shortly move the lighters out to the roadsted and the waiting warships. This is SS Gotha, a Norddeutscher Line collier leased by the Kaiserliche Marine to accompany a squadron of ships on their journey to the Far East. Germany and Great Britain possessed fairly large fleets of commercial colliers and preferred “leasing” over building naval colliers. Only the United States chose to build Fleet Auxiliary Colliers rather than trust commercial vessels. During wartime, foreign colliers were often unavailable for “political reasons” – even neutral vessels could not be relied upon. This gorgeous model by @AP is an absolute “work of art”. Here we see a Thor Class tug attempting to maneuver a full coal lighter into a mooring. SS Gotha will be casting off soon and room will be needed to move the collier out of the basin. Coaling basins are often crowded with tugs standing-by to undertake tows, and numerous empty and full lighters. Some small boats have tied up alongside the lighters and crewmen are “working the coal” – possibly leveling it out to “stabilize the tow” – or even raking through it for foreign debris and “klinkers”. Here again, you can see the wonderful high-def models in all their detailed glory. Even the mooring dolphins are superb. This is the battlecruiser SMS Mackensen as she would have appeared at her planned commissioning in 1919. A much improved version of the Derfflinger Class, Mackensen would have had a much greater displacement and a larger caliber main battery armament. The first ships were laid down in January 1915 and some were actually launched. But none would ever see service. (More on this class in later chapters.) This magnificent model is courtesy of Barroco Hispano. AND – we have TWO prop packs for you this time…… MANY THANKS to @Barroco Hispano for his generosity in providing so many beautiful and highly detailed warships. VERY SPECIAL THANKS to my collaborating partner -- @AP -- for volunteering his considerable talents, valuable time, and vivid imagination in creating so many beautiful models and props from the Great War Era. The Cuxhaven Series would be utterly impossible without him. If you enjoyed anything you saw – please punch the “like” button so I will know. A comment would be even more informative. Comments and critiques requested and gratefully accepted. All questions answered promptly to the best of my ability. THANK YOU for your visit and the COMMENTS many of you have been kind enough to make! You may wish to visit these CJ’s as well…… SERIES I: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: WILHELMSHAVEN SERIES II: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: CUXHAVEN Appearing – Work In Publication SERIES III: IMPERIAL DOCKYARDS: BREMERHAVEN Appearing -- ??? And please feel free to drop in at… THE SIMTROPOLIS SHIPYARD https://community.simtropolis.com/forums/topic/761469-simtropolis-shipyard/?tab=comments#comment-1766496- 4 Comments
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